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By John W. Bell

In the introduction to an excellent pamphlet, John Gross' makes the following statements: Although marked progress has been made along mechanical lines, the theory and conception of underlying principles have not advanced so rapidly. This lack of advance in theory may be attributed to the unfortunate situation resulting from the controversy as to whether the Rittinger or Kick law is applicable to crushing. Many pages of the technical literature are burdened with theoretical discussions in favor of one or the other of these laws, which have tended to cloud rather than to clear the atmosphere. Realizing the situation, the Milling Committee of the American Institute of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers, through its secretary, E. A. Hersam, studied the milling industry and, because of the apparently hopeless lack of agreement in the Kick versus Rittinger dispute (5, 13, 14, 0, i8, 19, 21, 22, 23. 24, 30. 34), concluded that a foundation for the theory of crushing was of primary importance. The numbers in the paragraph quoted refer to papers listed by Mr. Gross in his Bibliography on Crushing and Grinding.1 One is obliged to infer that these papers show "hopeless lack of agreement in the Kick versus Rittinger dispute." No. 22 is a paper by Arthur O. Gates2 and No. 23 is one by the writer.3 Employing the subject matter contained in papers Nos. 22 and 23 2,3 the writer will show that their authors formulated identical conclusions, based solely on experimental evidence. Exactly the same defect in the Stadler hypothesis was described in each of the two papers, although entirely different experimental methods were employed in uncovering it. Both of the authors, independently, formulated the conclusion that Rittinger's was a true hypothesis and Stadler's false. The evidence in a third paper4 will be employed to prove that Stadler's hypothesis, when examined experimentally, is worthless. STADLER'S HYPOTHESIS WORTHLESS It is the writer's opinion that the evidence available in 1915 and the corroborating evidence in 1916 was amply sufficient to eliminate the need for any further consideration of Stadler's hypothesis. Certainly the evidence produced in 1918 dealt this hypothesis its coup de grace. It follows, therefore, that in the year 1918 there was only one credible hypothesis left-the Rittinger hypothesis. Gates' Opinion What information is available in Mr. Gates' paper?2 His conclusions are not consecutively summarized, none the less they are perfectly clear. On page 876, Gates says, and it is a very significant utterance: But my results show, among other things, that many more of Stadler's energy units are obtained per foot-pound-applied in coarse than in fine crushing. This suggests a doubt as to the correctness of his unit, since one would expect a foot-pound-applied to produce the same number of "energy units," whether the feed and resulting product were coarse or fine. When Rittinger's theory is applied, the number of mesh-tons (my unit of surface produced) is

Jan 1, 1942

By L. J. Boucher

The beneficiation process at Northampton is described and reasons are given for installing a flotation plant. The economics of running the plant, the difficulties of operation, and subsequent remedial action are discussed. CEMENT rock from a quarry operated by the Northampton plant1, 2 of the Universal Atlas Cement Co. has a relatively low average CaCO³ content. To meet specifications required for cement manufacture it was formerly necessary, over succeeding years, to add increasingly larger amounts of high-lime, low-alumina rock, which was obtained from a quarry operated by the company at a point along the New Jersey-New York state border, 79 miles from Northampton. Previous to 1940, 8 pct of total kiln feed consisted of high-lime rock. From 1940 to 1943, this figure jumped to 13 pct. Today it would be necessary to use 18 pct of this high-lime to meet current specifications. Increasing transportation costs made this an expensive operation. In addition, this high-lime rock quarry was contaminated with granite and high magnesia pockets. As there was no available high-lime rock in the Lehigh Valley, it was decided in 1936 to install a pilot plant where experimental work was done on processing local cement rock with flotation and burning the resulting product in a small kiln. This plant was in operation for six months and at the end of that period a suitable method of flotation had been established. From these studies it was also found that if the proportion of shipped-in rock rose slightly above 10 pct it became economically advisable to use the flotation process. It is the object of this paper to present briefly the operation of the flotation system at the Northampton plant. It seems advisable to comment on the raw material used in this process. The Northampton quarry lies geologically in what is known as the Jacksonburg formation of Trenton limestone.' In Pennsylvania this extends in a southwesterly direction from Portland, through Nazareth, Bath, and Northampton and across the Lehigh River to Ormrod. This argillaceous limestone was formed from marine deposits laid down during the early Ordivician period when a shallow sea covered most of Pennsylvania. Carbonaceous matter in the original deposit formed graphitic carbon under later metamorphic forces. From this graphite the cement rock of the Lehigh Valley derives its dark color. Most of the graphite must be removed before lime flotation can proceed. The quartz in this rock is desirable from the chemist's point of view, as it furnishes him with a form of silica necessary in the calcining process, but its abrasive properties damage pumps and piping. Aluminum silicates of potassium, sodium, iron, and magnesium are found in the form of sericite. Cal-cite averages from 69 to 76 pct. Iron in the form of iron pyrites is also present and has no deleterious effect. Talc is present in minute quantities. The

Jan 1, 1954

By John W. Bell

In the introduction to an excellent pamphlet, John Gross' makes the following statements: Although marked progress has been made along mechanical lines, the theory and conception of underlying principles have not advanced so rapidly. This lack of advance in theory may be attributed to the unfortunate situation resulting from the controversy as to whether the Rittinger or Kick law is applicable to crushing. Many pages of the technical literature are burdened with theoretical discussions in favor of one or the other of these laws, which have tended to cloud rather than to clear the atmosphere. Realizing the situation, the Milling Committee of the American Institute of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers, through its secretary, E. A. Hersam, studied the milling industry and, because of the apparently hopeless lack of agreement in the Kick versus Rittinger dispute (5, 13, 14, 16, 18. 19. 21, 22, 23, 24, 30, 34). concluded that a foundation lor the theory of crushing was of primary importance. The numbers in the paragraph quoted refer to papers listed by Mr. Gross in his Bibliography on Crushing and Grinding.I One is obliged to infer that these papers show "hopeless lack of agreement in the Kick versus Rittinger dispute." No. 22 is a paper by Arthur 0. Gates2 and No. 23 is one by the writer.3 Employing the subject matter contained in papers Nos. 22 and 232,3 the writer will show that their authors formulated identical conclusions, based solely on experimental evidence. Exactly the same defect in the Stadler hypothesis was described in each of the two papers, although entirely different experimental methods were employed in uncovering it. Both of the authors, independently, formulated the conclusion that Rittinger's was a true hypothesis and Stadler's false. The evidence in a third paper4 will be employed to prove that Stadler's hypothesis, when examined experimentally, is worthless. Stadler's Hypothesis Worthless It is the writer's opinion that the evidence available in 1915 and the corroborating evidence in 1916 was amply sufficient to eliminate the need for any further consideration of Stadler's hypothesis. Certainly the evidence produced in 1918 dealt this hypothesis its coup de grace. It follows, therefore, that in the year 1918 there was only one credible hypothesis left—the Rittinger hypothesis. Gates' Opinion What information is available in Mr. Gates' paper?2 His conclusions are not consecutively summarized, none the less they are perfectly clear. On page 876, Gates says, and it is a very significant utterance: But my results show, among other things. that many more of Stadler's energy units are obtained per foot-pound-applied in coarse than in finc crushing. This suggests a doubt as to the correctness of his unit, since one would expect a foot-pound-applied to produce the same number of "energy units," whether the feed and resulting product were coarse or fine. When Rittinger's theory is applied, the number of mesh-tons (my unit of surface produced) is

Jan 1, 1943

By Peter J. Szabo

Introduction This is the Pacific Rim. Nearly three fourths of the world's population live on or near its border. In the recent past, on any given day, one could find traversing its„ borders pirates, smugglers, gunrunners, missionaries, slave traders, tourists, and businessmen. If one were not too observant, he would notice that over the last several years the ocean traffic in the Rim has pretty much stayed the same--Polynesian outriggers, passenger ships, general cargo vessels, ore carriers, and oil tankers. If he were to look a little closer, he would notice some coal colliers. A still closer look would reveal that most of them were hauling metallurgical coal destined for the steel mills of Japan, Taiwan, or Korea. If his senses were keen, he would observe that not only were the number of colliers increasing dramatically, but also that a relatively new cargo was being carried to those countries as well as additional areas in the Pacific Rim., This new cargo thermal coal holds the promise of not only exceeding the metallurgical coal trade, but significantly cutting into and decreasing the already vast oil tanker business throughout the Pacific Rim. The high price of crude oil as a result of the oil embargo in the Middle East in 1973-74 has forced the Pacific Rim countries to convert to coal, and as a result, the coal resources of the Rim are being exploited at an ever-increasing rate. Although coal produced outside the Pacific Rim does enter its borders for ultimate consumption from such places as South Africa and the East Coast of the United States, the vast majority of thermal coal that will enter this booming market place will be sourced from countries within the Pacific Rim. Accordingly, this paper will provide an overview of those sources with particular emphasis on the non-communist block nations. This is not to say that countries such as China and Russia will not be players in the Pacific Rim thermal coal arena, but that -most consuming countries in the Rim are basing the majority of their near-term sourcing requirements from countries that provide a stable source of supply. Pacific Rim Coal Resources Figure 1 is a map of the Pacific Rim countries and identification of major coal resource locations within its border. Going in a clockwise direction, the following countries will be the major suppliers of thermal coal through the year 2000: Australia, Indonesia, China, Russia, Alaska (U.S.), Canada, United States (Utah, Colorado, Wyoming, Montana), and Colombia, South America. Other countries such as New Zealand, Malaysia, Philippines, Korea, etc., will play a role in supply, but compared to the ones previously mentioned, will only have a minor impact. When one looks at the vast stretch of ocean that separates the sourcing countries from the consuming countries (Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, etc.), one realizes that costs of transportation will play a significant role in determining which countries and in what quantities coal will be purchased. Figure 2 for comparative purposes, shows

Jan 1, 1982

By James H. Hance

Discussion of the paper of JAMES H. HANCE, presented at the New York meeting, .February, 1916, and printed in Bulletin No. 110, February, 1916, pp. 299 to 326. FREDERIC P. DEWEY, Washington, D. C. (communication to the Secretary*).-I wish to congratulate Professor Hance and to thank him for his extremely valuable addition to the fund of data upon this subject. It presents clearly conclusive and incontrovertible proof of the unreliability of drill samples of this class of metal for determining the value of such bullion. I am afraid, however, that his hope that some one in the mint service might continue such an investigation upon a more elaborate and exhaustive scale is, for the present at least, doomed to disappointment. As a practical matter, the mint service is not now particularly interested in segregation in crude bullion. So much trouble and friction arose, -both in the original purchase and in the transfer from one institution to another, in handling segregated bullion, that it became necessary to adopt drastic measures and now it is seldom attempted to determine the value of such bullion in the service. When bullion known or even suspected of being segregated is presented for purchase, it is at once strongly refined in the pot and the disturbing elements so far removed that concordant assays may certainly be obtained from the dip samples and a reasonably fair agreement obtained from drill samples. The mint service prefers that the owner should refine his bullion himself, but if he does not we will do it at his expense and return the slag to him when desired. Much work has been done in the mint service trying to arrive at the value of deposits of segregated bullion without strong refining. It was no unusual thing for such deposits to be melted three times at the purchasing office and to have 30 to 40 assays on the metal made before buying it. Yet when shipped to a mint it was found necessary to melt two or three times more and to make 15 to 25 assays before the mint would accept the bar, and there were considerable differences between the valuations of the two offices. In what was undoubtedly the worst case ever investigated, the purchasing office melted the deposit, 953 oz., three times, with a loss of 105.5 oz., and made 46 assays; the mint melted three times, with a loss of 6.6 oz., and made 28 assays. The mint allowed the purchasing office 1.178 oz. of fine gold more than the purchasing office claimed, while an extensive investigation of the mint samples by the Bureau, in which over 100 independent assays were made in various service laboratories, indicated that the metal carried 0.7 to 0.9 oz. more of fine gold than the mint allowed. Preliminary assays on the original metal

Jan 5, 1916

By V. R. Garfias

EVEN before the arrival of Cortes in 1519, the history of Mexico was closely linked to that of its mineral production; the mining activities of the Aztecs being thus described by Clavigero, one of the early historians: In the mountains of Anahuac there abound in veins all kinds of metals, and infinite variety of other fossiliferous products. The Aztecs obtained gold from the countries of the Cohuijques, of the Mixtecas, of the Zapotecas and from various other places. They gathered that precious metal usually in grain, from the sands of the rivers, keeping a certain portion for the crown. They obtained silver from the mines of Taxco, of Tzumpango and others; however, this metal was not as esteemed by them as by other neighboring nations. They had two kinds of copper; one hard, which they used instead of iron to make sickles, lances and all kinds of rural and military instruments and another, soft, with which they made kettles, goblets and other receptacles. This metal abounds mainly in the province of Zacatula and in that of Cohuijques, which at present is in the kingdom of Michoacan. They obtained tin from the mines of Taxco and lead from those of Izmiquilpan, located in the country of the Otomiea. From the tin they made money, and the lead, we know they sold in the market places, but we ignore the uses to which they applied it. They also had mines of iron in Tlaxcala, in Taxco and in other places; but they either had not discovered them, or did not know how to make use of the metal they contained. In Chilapa there were mines of mercury, and in other places there were mines of sulphur, alum, vitriol, cinnabar, cohre and of a white earth which they esteemed highly. As regards mercury and vitriol, we do not know of what use they were to them; the other metals they used in paintings and dyes. There were then great abundance of amber and asphalt-bitu- men of Judea--on the coast of the seas and many cities of that territory paid tribute of one and the other to the kingdom of Mexico. They mounted the amber in gold, and it was only used as ornament and display by them. With the asphalt they made certain perfumes. The following extracts dealing with pre-Colonial gold are taken from the famous "Cartas de Relación" to Charles V, in which Cortea described the progress of the Conquest: . . . here there came two chiefs who owned lands in the valley; one four leagues down the valley and the other two leagues up the valley and they gave me some gold necklaces of little value and seven or eight girls. . . . . . . that day I left the City of Churultecal and traveled four leagues to some villages of the City of Cuasucingo where the natives received me very well and gave me women and pieces of gold. . . .

Jan 1, 1937

By J. W. Stewart

THE aim of this paper is to point out the various ways in which design is taught in standard four-year mining engineering curricula in American colleges and universities; to discuss the reasons apparently justifying the great diversity of procedure that exists along this line; and to indicate possible solutions to the difficulties now attending the teaching of design. A study was made of typical four-year mining engineering curricula in 15 colleges and universities of the United States (Table I). Great diversity in content of the various design courses, if taught as described, became apparent immediately. It appeared that it might be both interesting and instructive if the cause for this colorful variety could be found. Was the cause local mining conditions, departmental individuality, or actual necessity? Study of the school catalogues revealed that the various design courses could be classified into two fairly distinct types; namely, (I) those dealing with mine equipment or structures, and (2) those dealing with underground layout of mine workings. It seemed reasonable to label the first type of course "mining design" and the second type "mine design." Some such distinction must have been in the minds of mining educators, for we find both names (i.e., mine design and mining design) used to designate the design courses included in the various mining curricula. Unhappily, the name and the apparent content of such courses do not, in all instances, conform to the classification made here, although in most instances such conformation does obtain (Table I), It is possible that in the exceptional case the method of teaching a design course, and consequently the content of it, may have been changed at some time without change in the name of the course. Apparently only 3 of the I5 schools made an effort to cover both types of design in their curricula (Table I). Two other schools did not list or describe any course of study that could with certainty be taken as a design course. Of the remaining 10 schools, 9 gave a mining-design type of course and one gave a strictly mine-design type. Obviously, the preponderance of design courses afforded are of the mining-design type. Why? To answer this question, it is necessary to make a study of the prerequisites for the two types of design courses taught. In all schools the design courses were taught in the senior year; in eight, design was taught throughout both semesters; in two, it was taught during the first semester only; and in three it was taught during the second semester only. Consequently, excepting the last three cases noted, it is obvious that all prerequisites for a design course should be completed by the end of the junior year. PREREQUISITES What are the probable prerequisites for the different kinds of design courses as they appear to be taught? Let us take first the case of the mine-design type of course, having to do with layout of underground workings. Here it would seem that logical

Jan 1, 1941

By Michael A. Zappia

INTRODUCTION The San Manuel mine of Magmacopper Company is located approximately 72 km northeast of Tucson, Arizona. The mine, concentrator, smelter, electrolytic refinery and continuous rod casting are located on the west side of the San Pedro River valley. Ore Production: 58 1W mtpd Production To Date: Over 340 000 000 mt since 1956. Ore Grade: 0.70% net sulfide cu. As conceived at the present time, the San Manuel ore body is the lower half of what was originally an elliptical (In cross sect ion) cylinder same 2400 m long with major and minor cross sectional axes of 1500 m and 760 m. After emplacement, the cylinder was diagonally sliced along its long dimension by the San Manuel fault, which separated it into halves, moving the upper half same 2500 m down dip and bringing a wedge-shaped blanket of tertiary conglomerate into position over the lower segment of the cylinder. The lower segment is the San Manuel ore body. The upper part, moved down dip, is the Kalamazoo ore body. Originally, these were one ore body. The San Manuel ore body is a structurally weak and highly fractured quartz monzonite, the principal ore minerals being chalcopyrite, with small amounts of molybdenite. The present mining method is full gravity diagonal retreat panel caving by block. This is shown on Figure 2 , (Block Sequence 56, 57, 58, 59 --on the following page.) The ore mined is hoisted to the surface for transportation to the concentrator. BLOCK CAVING MINING SEQUENCE HISTORY The San Manuel mine was planned and developed as a full gravity block caving mine. It continues as a full gravity block caving mine. Since its initial start, the major changes in mining have been in the areas of ground support, rate of draw and undercut sequence. Ground weight resulting from block caving plays a dual role. It can cause extensive damage to ex- traction openings, yet it is necessary to break the ore into easily handled size. The ground- weight problem resolves itself into finding ways to make it manageable. The initial early ground support in the production areas consisted of timber sets and various combinations of steel and timber sets. This sup- port system proved unsatisfactory and a new support system utilizing concrete was developed. Concrete support, 30 cm to 45 cm thick, proved satisfactory. Rates of draw were experimented with. A draw rate of 45 cm to 61 cm (32 to 45 mt) per draw point per day was determined as optimum in con- trolling ground weight. Undercut sequence or mining sequence was recognized as a major contributing factor to ground weight. This is the most difficult factor to change. The lead time from primary development to undercut can be as much as two years. Initial Checkerboard Pattern The initial undercut sequence was in a checker- board pattern (Figure 2). Blocks Sequence 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6--next page.

Jan 1, 1981

By V. R. Garfias

Even before the arrival of Cortes in 1519, the history of Mexico was closely linked to that of its mineral production; the mining activities of the Aztecs being thus described by Clavigero, one of the early historians: In the mountains of Anahuac there abound in veins all kinds of metals, and infinite variety of other fossiliferous products. The Aztecs obtained gold from the countries of the Cohuijques, of the Mixtecas, of the Zapotecas and from various other places. They gathered that precious metal usually in gain, from the sands of the rivers, keeping a certain portion for the crown. They obtained silver from the mines of Taxco, of Tzumpango and others; however, this metal was not as esteemed by them as by other neighboring nations. They had two kinds of copper; one hard, which they used instead of iron to make sickles, lancea and all kinds of rural and military instruments and another, soft, with which they made kettles, goblets and other receptacles. This metal abounds mainly in the province of Zacatula and in that of Cohuijques, which at present is in the kingdom of Michoacan. They obtained tin from the mines of Taxco and lead from those of Izmiquilpan, located in the country of the Otomies. From the tin they made money, and the lead, we know they sold in the market places, but we ignore the uses to which they applied it. They also had mines of iron in Tlaxcala, in Taxco and in other places; but they either had not discovered them, or did not know how to make use of the metal they contained. In Chilapa there were mines of mercury, and in other places there were mines of sulphur, alum, vitriol, cinnabar, cohre and of a white earth which they esteemed highly. As regards mercury and vitriol, we do not know of what use they were to them; the other metals they used in paintings and dyes. There were then great abundance of amber and asphalt—bitumen of Judea—on the coast of the seas and many cities of that territory paid tribute of one and the other to the kingdom of Mexico. They mounted the amber in gold, and it was only used as ornament and display by them. With the asphalt they made certain perfumes. The following extracts dealing with pre-Colonial gold are taken from the famous " Cartas de RelaciÓn " to Charles V, in which Cortes described the progress of the Conquest: . . . here there came two chiefs who owned lands in the valley; one four leagues down the valley and the other two leagues up the valley and they gave me some gold necklaces of little value and seven or eight girls. . . . . . . that day I left the City of Churultecal and traveled four leagues to some villages of the City of Cuasucingo where the natives received me very well and gave me women and pieces of gold. . . .

Jan 1, 1937

September 20, 1917. As this meeting terminates the year's agreement under which the Engineering Foundation has appropriated its income to the National Research Council, a brief summary of what has been accomplished seems called for. The Research Council was organized Sept. 19, 1916. The Executive Committee was appointed at that meeting; since that date two other meetings of the Council have been held, one in Boston, on Nov. 13 and 14, the other in Washington on April 19. During the intervals between the meetings of the Research Council, the Executive Committee has conducted all of the business of the Council. There have been 29 meetings of the Executive Committee, 13 in New York up to the first of May, 15 in Washington subsequently, and one in Boston. The meetings in New York were devoted to the organization of the Research Council and especially to appointment of committees. At the outset, the Council had no very clear idea of the way in which it was to organize; there were several other groups of scientific men at work, among them, the Research Committee of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the Engineering Committee of the Advisory Commission to the Council of National Defense. Time was spent in straightening out these two principal complications, both of which were satisfactorily adjusted. The upshot of these negotiations is to leave the Research Council as the only representative, national body of research men, assisting the Government. During the period up to May, the Executive Committee in New York selected carefully the personnel of some 25 principal committees, and of a large number of sub-committees; so carefully were these chosen that of the entire number, several hundred, there have been only one or two declinations. Some of the important steps in the development of the Research Council are the establishment of the Military Section, composed. of the members of the Council connected with the Government and resident in Washington. This Section put the Research Council into close contact with the most important officials of the Army and Navy. From it has grown the Washington office of the Council, and the recognition of the Research Council as the "Department of Science and Research of the Council of National Defense; " and the establishment of the Washington office after the Council of National Defense had officially recognized the Research Council. About this time Dr. Hale, Chairman of the Council, appointed Dr. Millikan to be Vice-Chairman to represent the Council in Washington, and Dr. Millikan has since then been in charge of the work of the Council. At the request of the Secretary, Dr. Millikan has prepared a brief report of some of the work of the Research Council during its first year, which is appended to this report. It shows that the Research Council has been active in much of the important work. under way in our preparations for war, and that it has rendered effective services to the Government.

Jan 12, 1917

By Norman Weiss

MOST papers on xanthate have dealt with principles rather than practice. On the assumption that many millmen are interested in knowing where and in what manner the xanthates are being used in mills other than their own, this paper will summarize the results of a recent survey of North American plants. A brief background story and a description of the xanthates will be followed with the results of that survey; then a few observations will be made on storage, feeding, and ore testing. The first xanthate was made in 1822 by Zeise of the University of Copenhagen. With commendable scientific detachment (or perhaps a bad cold) Zeise ignored a more pervading quality of the substance and named it for its color, after the Greek word "xanthos," meaning yellow. During the first 80 years of its recorded existence xanthate found use only in.small quantity as an insecticide; after the turn of the century there was some further demand for it in the vulcanization of rubber. It was not until 1922, by coincidence the centennial of Zeise's discovery, that C. H. Keller of San Francisco, seeking sulphidizing agents, recalled xanthate in connection with his experience years earlier when he had seen this material used in Europe to combat grape phylloxera. His successful tests with the new flotation reagent culminated in the basic xanthate patent (U. S. 1,554,216) in 1925. In the minds of many metallurgists the introduction of xanthate as a flotation reagent is identified with the beginnings of alkaline circuits, the first use of chemical collectors, and the beginning of selective flotation. Actually, these preceded xanthatc by a number of years. The alkaline circuit in lead-zinc flotation was introduced by Lyster as early as 1912. In 1922 Sheridann and Griswold made their momentous discovery (Timber Butte) that alkali cyanides and zinc sulphate effectively inhibited the flotation of pyrite and sphalerite in pulps made alkaline with sodium carbonate or bicarbonate. The use of lime to retard pyrite in copper flotation began within two years after Ralston directed attention to its possibilities in 1917. These were the beginnings of modern selective flotation, which was practiced successfully on copper-iron ores at Nacozari in 1922, and at Inspiration, Cananea, and others only shortly afterward. In the lead-zinc mills, selective flotation was of even greater economic importance at that time. The Sunnyside plant of U. S. Smelting, Refining, and Mining Co. used the process earlier than 1920, and Consolidated, Timber Butte, and others soon followed. As a chemical collector xanthate was relatively a latecomer, for the Corliss patent of 1917 covered the first of these, alpha-naphthylamine, and the Perkins patent of 1918 the second, thiocarbanilid. Both of these were in extensive use before Keller's xanthate made its commercial debut in 1923. There is general agreement, nonetheless, that the introduction of xanthate was

Jan 1, 1947

By W. M. Weigel

Salt production in Louisiana and Texas at the present time is entirely from salt domes of the interior and coastal groups. Before and during the Civil War salt was recovered from numerous salines and salt springs by evaporation in open kettles. The location of these in nearly every instance was near what is now known to be a salt dome, and the source of the salt in the salines and spring waters was that in the salt core. The tops of many of the shallower domes have been subjected to erosion1. The discovery that the salt occurred as large masses of rock salt in the form of domes was made in May, 1802, at Avery Island, La., by John Marsh Avery, grandson of the original owner, John C. Marsh, who built the old salt works in 18122. The first shaft for mining was sunk on the Avery dome in 1867 by Chouteau and Price. It was 90 ft. deep, about 58 ft. being in solid salt. It was abandoned in 1870. There are three general groups or fields of salt domes; interior Louisiana in northern Louisiana, interior Texas in northeastern Texas, and the coastal domes nearer the Gulf Coast and extending from the Mississippi River to the Rio Grande. This last group contains by far the greatest number of domes. As many of the coastal domes especially are prolific producers of petroleum and a few of sulfur, their geology has been intensively studied and fully covered in the literature. The depth to the top of the salt varies from near the surface, where shallow ground waters have dissolved the salt to just below recent deposits, to several thousand feet, where the depth has been cstimated only by geophysical methods. The diameter of the salt core varies from less than 1/2 mile to over 2 miles. Only domes where the salt is comparatively near the surface have been developed for commercial salt. Three deeper domes, which will be described later, have recently been developed or are in process of development, as a source of brine for chemical use. Fig. 1 shows the location of the domes so far developed for commercial salt and brine. Nos. 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 9 and 10 are in the Gulf Coastal field,

Jan 1, 1938

By C. E. Lesher

THE Disco* process for the production of low temperature coke and its immediate predecessor, the Wisner or Carbocite process have been described in the voluminous literature of low temperature carbonization.1 This paper will describe the development of the process from the first attempt at commercial operation by the American Gas and Electric Co. at Philo, Ohio, Yn the 1920's to the successful operation in 1949 by the Disco Co., a division of the Pittsburgh Consolidation Coal Co., of the 1000-ton per day Disco plant near Pittsburgh, see Figs. 1-2. In the 1924 coal industry depression following the hectic post World War I expansion, the northern Appalachian, unionized bituminous coal fields were affected first and foremost, and Western Pennsylvania as hard as any. Competitive market pressure was heaviest on the lower grades of steam coals, notably the from the Panhandle district where ash and sulphur are inherently higher than in the same Pittsburgh coal bed to the east along the rivers. The firm structure of Panhandle coal while favoring the prepared sizes, depressed the usefulness and value of the finer sizes. Panhandle slack and nut slack were marketed with difficulty at consistent, and at times considerable, loss. Many solutions were suggested, and the Pittsburgh Coal Co. investigated all. Lower delivered prices through lower mine costs and more advantageous freight rates were obvious goals, but equally obvious were the difficulties of self attainment of either in any substantial measure. Selling Btu's in pipes was abandoned as an idea after a thorough study of the economics of distribution of what was then, and is even now, the only developed continuous process of complete gasification of bituminous coal-producer gas. Although the coal company purchased huge blocks of electric power, it sold not a car of coal to the central power stations. Public utilities controlled the markets for electric current, and it was found that no matter at how low a cost current might be put on the bus bars by the coal company, distribution to its widely scattered coal mines made such an enterprise practically impossible. Consolidation of underground operations and a huge modernization program of mining operations in the 1920's were but preparation for the introduction of mechanical cleaning of the coal for market, particularly the smaller sizes of steam, gas, and by-

Jan 1, 1953

By Emil Gathmann

Through wide experience at numerous mills in the United States I have found that there is a decided difference of opinion among the producers of steel as to what constitutes commercially sound steel. Some metallurgists insist upon having, for certain grades of steel, a so-called "open steel," i.e., one which contains numerous blowholes of varying sizes, and consequently but little volume of true pipe, although a central intermittent shrinkage cavity often extends well down into the ingot. Such blowholes and pipe are expected to weld up during rolling or forging, because their surfaces are not oxidized. Even if this be admitted, included slag particles and a high degree of segregation are bound to be present in the product of such ingots. Blowholes are the result of an oxidized heat, and all heats, unless made or finished in the electric furnace, are oxidized more or less. Subsequent deoxidation, or rather degasification, either in the ladle or in the mold, or in both, is necessary to reduce or prevent blowholes. As is well known, a greater yield of billets or sheets is secured from the ingot by allowing the formation of blowholes, but this is undoubtedly obtained at the expense of the quality of the product. Decided segregation of carbon, phosphorus, and sulphur, as well as small included slag particles, undoubtedly exists throughout the greater portion of all so-called open steel, and cannot be removed by cropping. The first requisite for sound, homogeneous steel ingots and blooms is therefore, in my opinion, so to treat the steel in the furnace, ladle, and mold that "piping" steel is produced. The line of demarcation between harmful and so-called "harmless" blowholes is practically impossible to define. Is it not, therefore, the better and safer practice to use means for the elimination of blowholes and correspondingly reduce the segregation and allow the formation of a well-defined shrinkage cavity or pipe at the upper end of the ingot? With the relatively cheap deoxidizers available at the present time, e.g., ferro-silicon, aluminum and titanium, there is no commercial reason why all steel should not be thoroughly degasified. A degasified steel being provided, the method of freezing or solidifying the liquid steel into an ingot, and the subsequent working into blooms and thence into various products, is of great importance in reducing the crop or scrap portion of the steel, due to segregation and pipe. How to ac-

Jan 1, 1916

By Walter Kauzmann

ALL viscous or plastic flow of incompressible matter is the result of shear strain; the changing shape of any body that is being plastically deformed can be completely described in terms of the shear strain occurring at each point in the body.[t] Furthermore, the relative amounts of shear strain occurring in different parts of a body under stress depend upon the relative rates of shear strain at those different points, so that if the dependence of the shear rate of any material on the temperature, shear stress, previous history, etc., were understood, the principles of plastic deformation would be known, and we could calculate how a body made of a given material, having a given shape, and subject to a specified system of forces, would change its shape with time. It may be said, then, that the problem of plasticity resolves itself into, first, the problem of the rates of pure shear processes, and second, the application of what is known about pure shear to actual cases. It is the purpose of this work to investigate the former problem -i.e., the dependence of shear rates on temperature, stress, etc.-from the standpoint of recent developments in the field of chemical-rate theory and with particular reference to the phenomena occurring in the creep of metals and in the plastic flow of crystalline solids in general. It is left for the mechanical engineer, and perhaps the expert in hydrodynamics, to deal with the problem of applications1 RESOLUTION OF MACROSCOPIC SHEAR INTO MICROSCOPIC MOVEMENTS; RESEMBLANCE TO CHEMICAL REACTIONS Just as any large body is made up of many small units, or atoms, so macroscopically observable shear is the result of many microscopic unit shear processes; just as the understanding of the behavior of large bodies demands the understanding of the atoms of which it is made, so the understanding of macroscopic shear demands the understanding of these fundamental unit processes. The study of shear from this "atomistic" point of view has made considerable progress. There has been fairly complete understanding of shear processes in gases for a long time, at least for nonturbulent flow, as a chapter on gaseous viscosity in any text on the kinetic theory of gases will prove. In recent years Andrade2 and Eyring3 have presented important theories for the flow of liquids and amorphous solids. Becker,4 Orowan,5 Taylor,6 Burgers,7 and Kanter8 have considered the

Jan 1, 1941

By T. A. Wright

The sampling of waste materials containing copper, lead and tin has taken on a new significance within recent years, and is of increasing importance, on account of the entry of some of the copper refineries into this field and the tendency towards consolidations among the smelters. In the past, such material was sold on the basis either of a rough or grat) sample or of casual inspection of the lot. The two principal sources of this waste are the processes of fabrication and the scrapping of automobile, electrical, plumbing, railroad and other equipment. In both cases rnuch material can bc sorted, salvaged and sold by classification and grade to be melted "as is" or with the addition of new or virgin metal. The increasing care in classifying exercised in the large manufacturing plants tends to incrcase the proportion of this usable scrap; on the contrary, the increasing use of more complex and special non-ferrous alloys tends to makc sorting and grading more difficnlt in turnings, borings, clippings, etc., and conseqllcntly is making sampling of more moment. In tin, lead, alumiinum, and zinc furnace by-products such as ashes, drosses, skimmings, etc., the trade practice of evaluation has not varied much. For instance, tin drosscs, battery lcad, and aluminunl skimmings are ordinarily sold on what is called "metallic button" or "metallic recovery" or "metallic yield." Coppcr and Icad wastcl, howcvcr, is being sold more and more on actual copper and lead contents bascd on sarrlple and chemical analysts. This paper will be dcvotctl chiefly to the sampling of niaterials suitablc only for refining and recovery of one or more of the metals present. The methods described are often bascd on thc fact that but one, metal, such as copper, is to be paid for. The loss of volatile constituents in melting does not appreciably affect thc final copper result, as the "after-melting" assay can be readily calculated to the "bcfore-nltltingl' basis, but if smelter efficiency continues to increase, so that in tiltie zinc, for instance, may be rccovrred on a paying basis, thc method of sampling dirty brass, for example, will have to bc changed also. As a matter of fact, we may cxpect that improved refining proresses will make possible the partial reeovrry of lcad and tin which are now lost

By W. R. Ingalls

In choosing the unusual title given to this paper, in which the term "cyclic " might be substituted for "intermittent," my idea has been simply in respect of precision. We might say old method vs. new method, but that antithesis implies something of substitution that has not occurred and perhaps is not in sight. We may say horizontal retorts vs. vertical, but none of the older retorts are truly horizontal, and there are three different types of vertical retorts. Other complexities might be suggested. There is, however, a broad distinction between distilling that is accomplished in a periodic cycle, generally daily; and distilling that is accomplished continuously, irrespective of whether it be done in the vertical retorts of the New Jersey process or in the retorts of the Trollhät-tan process. In offering a summary of the present state of the art with the intermittent process, I shall not have any idea of exemplifying it through descriptions of any single plants, but shall rather divide among the main steps of the process and outline what is best developed among them. In pursuing this thought, it will manifestly be impossible to make a composition that will exemplify the acme of good practice, for the latter will always be a function of the cost of labor, fuel, etc., which are widely variable. As of 1929, in respect of labor we might generalize the average plant wage in the Pittsburgh-Wheeling district of the United States at $5 per day; in Oklahoma at $3; in Great Britain at $3; in Germany at $1.75-$2; in Belgium and France at $1. With high labor costs the metallurgist will naturally use means of the nature of mechanization that with low labor would be uneconomical when capital charges are taken into account. Nor may we from records of performance safely make positive deductions in respect of the efficiency of different types of furnaces unless they have been tested comparatively under identical conditions in the same works. We shall find gas-fired regenerative furnaces showing coal consumption from 1.2 tons down to 0.7 per ton of roasted ore, which may be ascribable to difference in the thermal value of the coal that is used or to differences in proportions of the parts of the furnace, which is something quite distinct from the principle of the furnace. Thus, we have

Jan 1, 1937

By Robert Maddin

THE application of electrolytic polishing of metals introduced a new technique for preparing surfaces, especially for single crystals. This procedure has generally been assumed to eliminate the strain introduced by mechanical polishing and to result in a more truly representative surface, particularly in the case of soft metallic materials. However, apparently little information is available concerning specific characteristics of a surface prepared electrolytically. The conventional method of mechanical polishing is known to produce a layer of distorted metal which is usually removed by a suitable chemical etchant. To what depth the strain introduced by mechanical polishing penetrates into the lattice is still obscure. The present investigation illustrates the apparently anomalous appearances of glide ellipses on electrolytically polished surfaces of aluminum single crystals. EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE AND RESULTS Aluminum single crystals, 99.975 pct pure, remaining from the investigation of Found,1 were polished electrolytically using a solution of fluoboric acid and a low current density. Laue back-reflection technique, interpreted after the manner of Greninger,2 was used to determine the orientation and the specimen axis rotation of the crystals. Three flat surfaces about 4 mm wide parallel to the specimen axis, one perpendicular to the theoretical slip direction and the other two 1200 apart, were polished mechanically and repolished electrolytically. A tensile load was applied using a Southwark-Emery tensile machine at a rate of about 40 lb per min. Elongation was measured by noting the initial and final gauge lengths. X ray diffraction was used to obtain the usual X and X values in order to calculate the elongation and shear by plotting stereographically the specimen axis rotation by means of the Schmid-Boas formula.3 In Table I may be found the value of the gauge diameter, measured elongation, calculated elongation and shear for the crystals investigated. Fig 1 shows the initial and final positions of the specimen axes of the crystals. [ ] At a low magnification the slip lines developed on specimen Al-I appeared straight and rather evenly spaced. However, at a high magnification, the slip lines were seen to be composed of small markings which were present throughout the length of the specimen (Fig 2). The distance between the markings was fairly constant and their directions all parallel to one another. Fig 3-5, photographed on different surfaces of the specimen, illustrate the interesting appearance of these lines. It may be noticed from Fig 4 that the markings, which present the appearance of

Jan 1, 1948

By James B. Austin

Growth of the Society When the Institute was born in May, 1871, it was given the name American Institute of Mining Engineers. Yet from its conception a few months earlier, its genetic code clearly carried the message that metallurgy was equal in importance to mining. Thus, the "call" for the initial meeting, which was sent out in April of that year by three mining engineers, Eckley B. Coxe, R. P. Rothwell and Martin Coryell, gave this first objective of the proposed organization as: "the more economic production of the useful minerals and metals." And this call concluded: "Anyone who may have devoted himself to a particular subject connected with either mining or metallurgy, and who may be possessed of new facts in reference to it, would greatly aid in furthering the objects of the proposed association by preparing a paper giving the results of his experience." In response to this call, a group of 22 men assembled in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., for a 3-day meeting beginning May 16, 1871. On the first day, a set of 20 "Rules" was adopted, of which Number 8 read, in part: "The words mining engineers in these rules comprehend engineers connected with mining and metallurgy." On the second day, 18 officers were elected, of whom nine were not present. Moreover, as if to emphasize that the words about metallurgists were to be taken seriously, one of those elected in absentia was the president, David Thomas, a Welshman who had founded the Thomas Iron Co. and who built the first anthracite-fired, hot-blast furnace in this country. The second meeting of the Institute, held in Bethlehem, Pa., in August, had a more metallurgical flavor, and the third meeting, in November, was held in what was then one of the great steel-making centers of the country - Troy, N. Y. This was the home of the Albany and Rensselaer Iron and Steel Co., which held the American rights to Bessemer7s machinery patents. And it was here that the great American steel master, Alexander L. Holley, carried out a series of experiments that led to improvements in the design and method of operation of the Bessemer vessels. It was at this meeting that Holley and Henry Marion Howe, then a "student" at the Albany and Rensselaer plant, were admitted to membership. Four years later, Holley was elected president of the Institute. Clearly, metallurgy

Jan 1, 1971

By C. E. Lesher

THE Disco* process for the production of low temperature coke and its immediate predecessor, the Wisner or Carbocite process have been described in the voluminous literature of low temperature carbonization.1 This paper will describe the development of the process from the first attempt at commercial operation by the American Gas and Electric Co. at Philo, Ohio, Yn the 1920's to the successful operation in 1949 by the Disco Co., a division of the Pittsburgh Consolidation Coal Co., of the 1000-ton per day Disco plant near Pittsburgh, see Figs. 1-2. In the 1924 coal industry depression following the hectic post World War I expansion, the northern Appalachian, unionized bituminous coal fields were affected first and foremost, and Western Pennsylvania as hard as any. Competitive market pressure was heaviest on the lower grades of steam coals, notably the from the Panhandle district where ash and sulphur are inherently higher than in the same Pittsburgh coal bed to the east along the rivers. The firm structure of Panhandle coal while favoring the prepared sizes, depressed the usefulness and value of the finer sizes. Panhandle slack and nut slack were marketed with difficulty at consistent, and at times considerable, loss. Many solutions were suggested, and the Pittsburgh Coal Co. investigated all. Lower delivered prices through lower mine costs and more advantageous freight rates were obvious goals, but equally obvious were the difficulties of self attainment of either in any substantial measure. Selling Btu's in pipes was abandoned as an idea after a thorough study of the economics of distribution of what was then, and is even now, the only developed continuous process of complete gasification of bituminous coal-producer gas. Although the coal company purchased huge blocks of electric power, it sold not a car of coal to the central power stations. Public utilities controlled the markets for electric current, and it was found that no matter at how low a cost current might be put on the bus bars by the coal company, distribution to its widely scattered coal mines made such an enterprise practically impossible. Consolidation of underground operations and a huge modernization program of mining operations in the 1920's were but preparation for the introduction of mechanical cleaning of the coal for market, particularly the smaller sizes of steam, gas, and by-

Jan 1, 1953